Bonaparte earned great admiration for solving some of the most
intractable political problems raised by the Revolution. Few scholars have
recognized, however, that the Consulate's solutions only became possible after
years of building up the government's capacity to control repression and police
society. This development is illustrated by the means used to solve the problem
of émigrés. In early 1800, the Consulate closed the list of émigrés and created
a special political commission to screen applications for removal from it. The
process remained slow and was badly tainted by bribery and favoritism. Six
months later, the government adopted a partial amnesty. This granted automatic
readmission to whole categories of émigrés, while also continuing to screen
others on an individual basis. The key to the operation lay in requiring every
returned émigré to register with a departmental prefect or urban police
commissioner, who then reported to the minister of police. This enabled the
government either to deny admission outright or to order police surveillance of
any individual émigré deemed dangerous. This massive operation occupied
one-third of all employees in the Ministry of Police. The minister, Joseph
Fouché, showed no qualms about having dozens of returned émigrés suspected of
royalist activities arrested and locked away in state prisons without trial.
The whole process violated the Consulate's constitution, which, like that of
the Directory, explicitly barred the return of proven émigrés. All the same,
combining an amnesty that irritated republicans with police measures that
contradicted the basic principles of the early Revolution proved very
successful politically. In April 1802 the Senate adopted an almost total
amnesty for émigrés. This removed most of the discretionary categories, but
none of the police surveillance. Fouché instructed provincial officials to
repress "with inflexible severity" any subversive activity, including
trying to get nationalized property back (Madelin 1903: vol. 1, 327-349). In
the end, the magnanimity of allowing all but a few thousand émigrés to return
would have been impossible, and certainly unimaginable, without a security
apparatus that combined an elaborate bureaucracy with appointed officials such
as was in place by 1802.
By this time, France was descending rapidly into
dictatorship. The Concordat, enacted along with restrictive "organic
laws" in April 1802, and the purge of liberal members from the Tribunate
at much the same time, dismayed those who remained committed to a secular,
democratic state. But their opposition was too little, too late. The many
exceptional measures and institutions of repression they had previously
approved now paved the road to Bonaparte's personal dictatorship. As well as
making him First Consul for Life, the Constitution of Year X (August 1802)
strengthened his hand in choosing lawmakers, authorized him alone to ratify
treaties, gave him the power to grant pardons, to suspend the constitution, and
even to suspend jury trials where he saw fit. The plebiscite that endorsed such
changes confirmed that political legitimacy now rested in the person of
Bonaparte and the apparatus of his rule, to the detriment of lawmakers and
civil liberties alike. The new security state was as much a product of the
French Revolution as Napoleon himself.
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